At senior command level, trends at OKW and OKH ran counter
to those at STAVKA. Where Stalin began to appreciate the limitations of his
military expertise, Hitler, from an initial position of mere arbiter of
strategy, became increasingly involved in tactical decision-making. From his
order of December 1941 for Army Group Centre to stand fast, and his decision to
dismiss `defeatist' commanders, he concluded that he above all had the wisdom
and the will to force a final victory. From his decision that II Corps should
hold fast at Demyansk, and the subsequent successful defence of the pocket, he
concluded that large formations of encircled German troops could be adequately
supplied by the Luftwaffe while continuing to pose a significant threat to the
enemy rear. After the resignation of Brauchitsch on 19 December 1941 Hitler
assumed the post of Commander in Chief OKH thereby eliminating the army's last
vestige of service independence. Thereafter he began to appoint politically
loyal generals to senior command positions, and increasingly he began to
micromanage combat operations. In doing so he undermined one of the strengths
of the German army, the delegated authority of commanders on the battlefield to
make independent command decisions and their ability to respond flexibly to
changes in operational circumstances.
Having anticipated a conflict of around eight weeks
duration, prior to 1942 there had been little planning by the German High
Command for a prolonged conflict. Weapon development projects during 1941 had
been scaled back or cancelled and virtually no preparation had been made for
the possibility of the conflict continuing into the depths of a Russian winter.
Yet having faced a larger, better-equipped and more resilient foe than it had
anticipated, as the winter of 1941 approached OKH found that it was facing an
enemy whose morale was still unbroken, that was, unlike the Ostheer, fully
equipped for winter fighting, and that was adapting its tactics in light of
bitter experience. An example of evolving Soviet tactics was the clash that
took place between Eberbach's 5 Pz Bgd and Katukov's 4 Tank Bgd southwest of
Mtsensk in October 1941. Katukov concentrated his force and used advantages of
surprise, terrain and armament range to good effect. Clashes of this sort
prompted the Wehrmacht to revive pre-war plans for the development of a heavy
tank, and for the development of a new medium tank that could emulate the
combat capability of the T34. Until such new weapons could be both developed
and produced in quantity, the Ostheer would be left to fight using tanks
designed in the 1930s.
Fortunately for Germany, in the PzKpfw Mk IV it had a
machine that was capable of extensive development in its power train, its
armament and its armour. During its development the Mk IV became the backbone
of the panzer forces, and for a time gave the Ostheer a renewed qualitative
edge. The Mk III was too small and too light for such major upgrading, but
there remained an urgent requirement for thicker armour and an improved gun.
The most immediate improvement to the Mk III and the Mk IV was a doubling of
their armour protection through the fitting of face-hardened spaced plates, and
the acceptance of a consequent reduction in their mobility. The Mk IV was up
gunned through the replacement of its short-barrelled 7.5cm infantry support
weapon with a highly effective 43-calibre variant of the new 7.5cm anti-tank
gun. The Mk III was not capable of taking the 7.5cm anti-tank gun, but its
armament was improved somewhat by the replacement of its 42-calibre 5cm gun
with a variant of the long-barrelled (60-calibre) 5cm Pak 38 (L/60) anti-tank
gun that was being issued to the infantry. The deficiencies of the infantry's
standard 3.7cm anti-tank gun had been recognised since 1940. Though light and
manoeuvrable, it was almost useless in dealing with the T34 and KV1 and was a
factor in the rout of 112 Inf Div by part of 32 Tank Bgd supported by 239 Rifle
Div southeast of Tula in November 1941. In response, the process, begun in
1940, of replacing the infantry's 3.7cm gun with the Pak 38 (L/60) was
accelerated. Also available was a variant of the 7.5cm anti-tank gun developed
for infantry use (the Pak 40). Although the 7.5cm was an effective weapon it
was too heavy to be manoeuvred manually and had to be towed into position by
motorised transport, severely limiting its operational flexibility. The highly
effective 8.8cm dual-purpose anti-aircraft and anti-tank gun was even more
unwieldy, and at 4.4 tonnes was nearly ten times the weight of the early 3.7cm
gun. In 1940 the Wehrmacht had begun the development of the self-propelled gun,
a turretless armoured fighting vehicle based on the chassis of a tank with a
gun fitted to a fixed casement. Such weapons generally had a lower profile than
a tank, were easier and cheaper to manufacture and, depending on their
configuration, could be used as mobile indirect fire artillery, as direct fire
infantry support weapons, or as `tank-killers'. In the direct fire infantry
support assault gun role, Germany developed in 1940 the StuG III based on the
PzKpfw Mk III chassis and armed with the short-barrelled 7.5cm infantry support
gun. In the same year the Panzerjäger I, the first `tank-killer' self-propelled
gun, was developed based on the PzKpfw Mk I tank chassis and armed with a 4.7cm
Pak(t) gun. These weapons were the first of a range of increasingly powerful
self-propelled guns developed by Germany during the course of the war.
The main weapons of the German artillery arm were developed
in the early 1930s. At regimental level, two infantry support guns predominated
- the short-barrelled 7.5cm leIG18 and the somewhat cumbersome 15cm sIG33. At
divisional level, artillery support was based primarily on the 10.5cm sK18
field gun, the 10.5cm leFH18 howitzer and the 15cm sFH18 heavy howitzer. In the
early period of the war these artillery pieces, used in conjunction with the
German army's efficient and effective fire control system, proved to be
eminently fit for purpose, and they were subject to little further development.
The leFH18 was upgraded in 1941 to achieve a modest increase in range, and to
improve the range of the sFH18, the ammunition for the gun was modified to
provide a rocket propulsion element to the shell's propellant system. The
German army had a range of larger calibre artillery pieces (15cm and above),
and significant use was made of captured guns, but the mainstay of the
artillery arm remained the regimental and divisional artillery weapons with which
Germany went to war in 1939.
As a means of countering the improved armour protection of
tanks, in conjunction with the introduction of faster and heavier anti-tank
projectiles, considerable development went into the design of the projectiles.
The first improvement from the simple solid shot was the addition of a softer
metallic cap to prevent the break-up of the armour penetrating component on
impact. Further improvements were achieved by the use of tungsten carbide in
the main shot, and the streamlining of the shot to achieve higher muzzle
velocities by the fitting of a ballistic cap to the impact cap. Such
developments were pursued by both sides during the early period of the war and
the result of this work had a considerable impact on force structure and
tactics as the war progressed.
In the air, both sides strove to improve the performance of
their aircraft, neither side gaining a distinct technological advantage. The
Red Army took some time to recover from the devastating aircraft losses of the
first few days of the war, but in a combat zone as large as the Eastern Front
neither side would ever achieve true air superiority. All that could be
achieved was local and often merely temporary advantage on a particular
strategic axis.
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